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The WTO
as Barrier to Financial Regulation
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Feb
8th 2010, Jayati Ghosh |
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In
most parts of the world today (except perhaps in India,
where optimism about the benefits of unregulated financial
markets still seems to dominate over the undisputable
evidence of their many fragilities) most policy makers
talk about imposing regulations on the financial sector.
Of course, the events of the past two years in the world
economy, and particularly in the core capitalist countries,
have brought this about, for it is quite a change from
the earlier presumption of ''efficient markets'' that
led to widespread lifting of controls and shift to ''self-regulation''
in the financial sector.
In
the United States, President Obama recently unveiled
a set of proposals to control and regulate the activities
of both bank and non-bank financial players. In the
UK, the Governor of the Bank of England has been talking
about the need to break up banks that are ''too big to
fail''. In many developed countries, public outrage generated
by the economic destruction caused by finance is now
being expressed as animosity against the large bonuses
that are still being paid out to finance professionals.
The proposals that are now being considered, not only
by the Obama administration in the US but also in Europe
and elsewhere, include limits on the activities of particular
types of institutions, trying to limit bank size and
ensuring that derivatives trading occurs only in regulated
exchanges with clearly specified margin requirements,
rather than in over-the-counter (OTC) transactions that
are completely unfettered.
These are all important and necessary changes. In fact,
it is clear that without such changes, the economies
of the core capitalist countries - and therefore the
world economy - will continue to lurch from crisis to
crisis, necessitating ever larger bailouts and leading
to even greater damage to the citizenry. But the question
is, are they feasible at all given the legally binding
commitments made with respect to financial services
liberalisation by the US and several other WTO members?
A relatively little known aspect of the General Agreement
on Trade in Services (GATS) is the implication that
this agreement - and various elements of it and a related
Understanding signed by some members - affects the ability
of countries to regulate financial services. While GATS
is still the most flexible of the various Uruguay Round
WTO agreements, in that it is based on a request-offer
process in which individual countries can determine
the extent and pace of liberalisation in particular
sectors and modes, there are some important caveats.
It is true that, as for all other services, member countries
are required to provide their own GATS schedules of
financial services commitments. However, the Annex on
Financial Services already makes some crucial limitations
on countries' ability to be flexible on these commitments.
The Annex applies to all WTO member countries, irrespective
of the extent to which they have individually or collectively
decided to make liberalisation commitments in financial
services.
The section on domestic financial regulation in the
Annex makes the following point: ''Notwithstanding any
other provisions of the Agreement, a Member shall not
be prevented from taking measures for prudential reasons,
including for the protection of investors, depositors,
policy holders or persons to whom a fiduciary duty is
owed by a financial service supplier, or to ensure the
integrity and stability of the financial system. Where
such measures do not conform with the provisions of
the Agreement, they shall not be used as a means of
avoiding the Member's commitments or obligations under
the Agreement'' [emphasis added].
So, if countries have already made commitments to allow
certain kinds of financial activities of foreign financial
institutions, they cannot impose any prudential regulations
(even when they are necessary for the stability and
viability of the system) if they run counter to such
commitments! What this means is that much of the regulation
now being considered or proposed in developed countries
would run counter to this provision in the Annex to
GATS. Any such regulation could be opposed by another
member country whose financial firm is affected by such
rules. Given the cross-border proliferation and complex
entanglements of financial institutions, it seems to
be almost inevitable that such challenges will occur.
It gets even worse. The organisation
Public Citizen in the US, which has done a lot of work
on the implications of the GATS on financial regulations
(http://www.citizen.org/documents/PrudentialMeasuresRe
portFINAL.pdf) notes that the financial services
liberalisation commitments that have already been made
are apparently irreversible under various GATS rules.
This makes new regulations that are required to deal
with finance today next to impossible in strictly legal
terms.
The GATS Market Access rules (contained in Article XVI(2)
of the GATS text) prohibit government policies that
limit the size or total number of financial service
suppliers in ''covered sectors'', that is those in which
liberalisation commitments have been made. So if countries
have already committed to certain kinds of deregulation,
they cannot easily undo them, even in relation to critical
issues like bank size. Under the same rules, a country
may not ban a highly risky financial service in a sector
(i.e. banking, insurance, or other financial services)
once it has been committed to meet GATS rules.
The case law on this matter is disturbing to say the
least. A WTO tribunal has already established the precedent
of this rule's strict application: the US Internet gambling
ban - which prohibited both US and foreign gambling
companies from offering online gambling to US consumers
- was found to be a ''zero quota'' and thus violating
GATS market access requirements. This ruling was made
even though the US government pleaded that internet
gambling did not exist when the original commitment
was made, and therefore could not have been formally
excluded from the commitment list!
For the 33 countries that have signed on to a further
WTO ''Understanding on Commitments in Financial Services''
in 1999, the situation is even more extreme. These 33
countries include almost all the OECD members, as well
as a few developing countries like Nigeria, Sri Lanka
and Turkey. This Understanding established further deregulation
commitments by specifying a ''top-down'' approach to
financial liberalisation, which means that sector is
by default fully covered by all of the agreement's obligations
and constraints unless a county specifically schedules
limits to them.
For the US, UK and the other 31 countries that have
signed on to the Understanding, there is effectively
a standstill on further financial regulation of any
kind: ''Any conditions, limitations and qualifications
to the commitments noted below shall be limited to existing
non-conforming measures.'' And there is no possibility
of any kind of ban on specific financial products that
are deemed to be too risky like certain derivatives,
etc. because the signatories to the Understanding have
promised to ensure that foreign financial service suppliers
are permitted ''to offer in its territory any new financial
service.''
What all this means is that most of the new reform proposals
for the financial sector in the US, the UK and other
major capitalist countries, are effectively illegal
given their GATS commitments. This has huge implications
for other countries, since the extent of financial entanglement
is such that all of us will be affected by the volatile
functioning of unregulated financial markets. And since
GATS rules tend to prevent any backtracking on liberalisation
commitments that have been made, it means that developing
countries like India need to be doubly careful before
making any commitments.
While this situation may appear to be bizarre and even
incredible, it is a real comment on the immense political
and lobbying power of finance. Most of these specific
financial agreements were signed without the knowledge
of either the political groupings or the public at large
in the countries concerned. For example, in the US,
congressional process is required to vet international
economic agreements, but this did not occur in the case
of the Understanding on Financial Services.
Obviously, these GATS rules are now completely out of
date and constitute a major constraint on necessary
reforms in the financial sector. There are two possibilities
in such a context. First is that such rules get more
or less ignored and become a bit like the ''Maastricht
rules'' for European economic integration, which tend
to be more honoured in the breach, especially by large
countries. The second is that the GATS itself - and
specifically these provisions - gets renegotiated, eliminating
all these provisions which demand and insist on comprehensive
financial deregulation even when it is irrational and
socially undesirable.
In either case, change is going to require political
reconfiguration of the power of finance. At present,
it looks like this will happen only with more extensive
crisis - which unfortunately is also only too likely
to occur.
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