Patterns
in the insurance sector after liberalisation have so far
contradicted the predictions of those who argued that
this would deliver lower prices and better services for
consumers.
Despite what people in general are told, there are very
few things in the discipline of economics which are
undisputed. Much of what is presented as "obvious" or
"inevitable" often has poor foundations in theory and
little justification in terms of empirical experience.
Recent theoretical work indeed tends to point to the
fragility of assumptions that underlie many established
axioms. Truly, economics is at best an inexact science,
highly probabilistic, and ultimately dependent upon
intuition or "hunch".
Nevertheless, there are some arguments which are almost
universally accepted (given the famous ceteris paribus
condition, "other things remaining equal"). Thus, one of
the first things that all students of economics are
taught is that when there are more producers in the
market, competition tends to drive the price down to a
level which is lower than when there are fewer
producers.
The same is therefore supposed to be true of markets
which were previously closed to competition, and are
opened to new entrants. The expectation is that when
monopolies or oligopolies are forced to confront new
players, they will respond by lowering their prices or
improving quality, even if the new entrants have higher
costs to begin with.
This is why supporters of the Insurance Bill 1999 argued
that opening up the sector to more domestic and foreign
competition would ensure much better conditions for
consumers. It was argued that more products (in the form
of new types of insurance policies) would be available
and that premium rates would fall, as new entrants
offered them, and the existing nationalised insurance
companies would be forced to deal with the threat and
even reality of competition.
But such are the peculiarities of economics in the
current context, that even this obvious expectation has
been belied. In fact, so far precisely the opposite
tendency has been observed. Several new insurance
companies, almost all with some foreign backing as well,
have entered the market over the past six months in
particular. Yet on 1 July, a number of nationalised
general insurance companies took measures to raise rates
of premium and actually reduce the number of policies on
offer.
The
rates offered for vehicles insurance show this very
clearly. Rates of premium on cars have gone up by around
40 per cent on average. Meanwhile a category like third
party insurance for two-wheelers, for which premium
rates used to be quite low, has increased by nearly
three times. Some companies even plan not to provide
insurance for this category at all. When questioned
about these increases, insurance officers have pointed
to the effect of the new multinational-assisted entrants
into the insurance business, and the much higher rates
they are charging !
In other words, what they are suggesting is that now
competition is going to be based not on prices, as was
fondly believed earlier, but on profits. Insurance
companies, not just the private ones but even in the
public sector, are anxious to show profits on all lines
of activities. Indeed, the public sector companies are
especially keen to show that they are no less efficient
than private players, and therefore end up using very
similar tactics.
What this means most starkly is that the
cross-subsidisation which was characteristic of the
insurance sector earlier, and which indeed is typical of
most public sector service provision, is disappearing.
The general insurance companies have already been
instructed to calculate profits on each line of business
separately. Life insurance is likely to follow suit.
The irony is that both the Life Insurance Company and
the general insurance companies were already highly
profitable in the aggregate. Their cross-subsidies,
which were based on some notions of income and ability
of people to pay, and the need to provide insurance
services to as many people as possible, did not prevent
them from providing large surpluses to government
coffers. Now, however, because they are concerned about
showing profit rates or margins which are comparable to
those of the private sector, they are likely to turn
more cautious and more stingy about providing insurance
cover to a range of consumers, simply in order to
maintain "competitive" profitability.
What does this mean for consumers ? It means the
complete opposite of what was promised when the
insurance sector was liberalised. Thus, not only have
premium rates gone up quite sharply, but it may become
more difficult to be eligible for a whole range of
policies. So people may actually find it more difficult
or more expensive to take on policies in areas where
they really require it, that is, where they are in fact
at risk.
Also, rates of claim settlement were earlier in India
the highest in the world, at more than 90 per cent in
life insurance and 70 per cent in general insurance,
compared to around 40 per cent internationally in both.
These are now likely to fall, as companies try to ensure
higher profit margins through this means as well. This
means that in the event of some misfortune, which may be
covered by the policy on paper, the policy-holder would
be less likely than before,
to
get his or her claim settled.
This whole process may appear very paradoxical. But
actually it brings out very clearly why privatisation of
certain services, as well as opening up of this sector
in particular, may be very problematic, and why the
concerns of critics at the time were not misplaced. It
should also be noted that this is quite unlike the
privatisation of loss-making concerns in the
manufacturing sector, which often simply reflects the
urgent need to restructure and allow the government to
move out of dead-end economic activities.
There were many points with respect to insurance sector
liberalisation that the critics had raised. There was
the possibility of fraud by, or failure of, private
companies, which would adversely affect those who had
sunk their life savings in such companies. The high
incidence of such cases was indeed why the companies in
India had been nationalised in the first place. There
was the potential misuse of the huge pool of savings
raised by this sector, which could be utilised for
productive investment, including by the state.
In addition to these very serious worries, there was
also the concern that consumers, who were supposed to be
the main beneficiaries, would in fact be adversely
affected. At the time, such fears were simply laughed
at. But already, with the recent change in price
structure, there is evidence that such a tendency of
worsening conditions for insurance consumers may not be
so far-fetched.
It is especially sad because it is so unnecessary. It is
bad enough that private sector insurance companies, in
their zeal to cut costs and improve profitability
indicators, ignore the basic interests of people and
effectively deny important sections of people insurance
cover for different categories. This is, after all, only
to be expected in a business driven entirely by profit.
In fact, one of the reasons for curtailing services and
raising costs is because of the huge increase in
advertising costs which all the companies – private and
public – are now engaging in, which makes the need to
generate more revenue even more imperative.
But when public sector companies start behaving in
exactly the same way, then it is worse than pointless.
The entire purpose of having public provision of such
services is to ensure that they do not simply behave
like other private players. The achievement of broader
social goals can then be achieved by
cross-subsidisation, which is sustainable as long as the
entire operation remains profitable. There is no need
for such enterprises to be as profitable as possible
using any possible means, because then the basic
objective of using public corporations to provide public
services would not be met.
The tragedy is when the government itself starts
imposing upon such public companies, the pressure of
being profitable at all costs, then people will end up
finding little to choose between public and private
sectors. It could well be that there as an implicit
agenda in this, to eventually privatise these large and
profitable public sector companies which would anyway be
behaving no differently from private players.
While this may serve the purpose of those who are
ideologically committed to the destruction of public
sector activity independent of context, it can do little
to serve the real interests of the citizens of this
country.
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