On
July 26, hapless depositors in ''new-generation'' Global Trust Bank
(GTB) discovered from the tickers at the bottom of their television
screens that their money was no longer their own - at least for the
next three months. The RBI had put a moratorium on withdrawals exceeding
a total of Rs. 10,000 by depositors and on lending by a bank which
in any case had no own funds to base its lending on.
What followed was chaos at the premises of the bank, at its ATMs and
at the offices of those who were thought to be responsible and could
offer a solution. This, of course, was not the first time such a situation
had arisen. Since the launch of financial liberalisation in the early
1990s, a string of banks - the United Industrial Bank, Benares Bank,
Nedungadi Bank, Bank of Karad and a host of cooperative banks - have
had to down shutters with aftershocks of varying intensity. But, excepting
for Nedungadi Bank, which, though older, shared many similarities
with Global Trust, these failures have been dismissed as the result
of the special characteristics of these particularly weak banks or
the result of inadequate supervision of institutions such as the cooperative
banks.
The most striking feature of GTB is that it epitomises the new generation
private banks that came with the financial liberalisation of the 1990s.
These were the banks which were being offered permission to enter
the industry with the intention of increasing competition, improving
efficiency of operations with new technology, offering better services
to the customer, and in the process helping improve the practices
of the ostensibly inefficient, slothful and low-profit public sector
banks.
GTB was established in 1994 by Ramesh Gelli, a high profile public
sector banker who fancied himself as being among the top and most
innovative bankers in the country. Gelli who was the Chairman and
Managing Director of Vysya Bank at the time when the government chose
to permit the entry of new private banks into the banking sector,
not only staked a claim for licence but worked out innovative schemes
to finance its operations. For example, interest and repayment on
credit for operations from shareholders were reportedly linked to
the market price of the share. The higher the market price of the
shares, the lower the interest rate, and lower the market price, higher
the interest rate, with the variation being from zero to 22 per cent.
From the point of view of the creditors, this implied that they were
obtaining an assured return from the combination of their investments
in equity purchases and the provision of credit. From the point of
view of the promoters of the bank, they were offering investors an
assured return, which gave them access to funds and could deliver
profits so long as share prices could be kept at high levels and therefore
the cost of funds remained low. To any observer, it should be clear
that in a situation of this kind, there would be an obvious incentive
for promoters to keep share prices high, either by manipulating accounts
or rigging the market if necessary. On the other hand, the poorer
is the price performance of the share, the greater would be the pressure
to lend to risky projects to earn the high returns that helped meet
the high cost of funds.
Operations such as these were obviously risky, and implied that the
agents concerned were indulging in speculative manoeuvres in search
of quick profits. Their fundamental concern was not to serve as robust
and transparent intermediary earning a reasonable return, but to register
rapid growth, invest in high-return but high-risk areas and earn quick
and large profits.
Despite the fact that this substantially increased the chances of
failure, the RBI and the government chose to encourage banks of this
kind, which were given added credibility because they obtained funding
from institutions like the International Finance Corporation and the
World Bank which were promoting financial liberalisation and private
sector entry into the banking system. Interestingly, the IFC and the
World Bank chose to exit from their investments in GTB, possibly because
they realised that their investments were not safe if left with GTB.
But, never was there a word of warning that an institution that was
created because of the policies they were pushing was displaying signs
of potential failure.
Once GTB was created, there was no stopping Gelli and his associates.
The search for high returns soon took the bank to the stock market,
where its involvement in the speculative activities associated with
the Ketan Parekh scam and its high exposure soon resulted in substantial
losses. Meanwhile, the bank’s promoters had attempted to merge the
entity with the UTI bank, and in the process the share price was sought
to be rigged so that the promoters could make a profit despite the
state of the bank. By then it was clear that unless some drastic measures
were taken, the bank was heading for closure. This led to the exit
of Ramesh Gelli in 2001, but matters did not improve under the new
management. The bank, which was under instructions to clean up its
balance sheets by inducting new capital and reforming its practices
reported a net profit of Rs. 40 crore and a positive net worth of
Rs. 400 crore at the end of the financial year in March 2002. However,
the RBI soon discovered that even the certified auditors of the bank
had allowed a set of manipulated numbers to be reported and that actually
the bank’s net worth was negative.
This put the RBI in hands-on mode, with monthly scrutinies besides
the annual inspection. A year later, GTB reported an overall loss,
but also substantial reduction in non-performing assets, significant
provisioning against loss-making assets and an operating profit. The
RBI welcomed these developments, suggesting that under a new management
the bank was on the mend. But soon the RBI discovered that the net
worth of the bank was turning worse and that it had no capital to
sustain its operations. Circumstances had ensured, despite the forbearance
of the RBI in the hope of a solution, that unless substantial new
capital was infused into the bank, there was no hope of revival.
Under pressure from the RBI, the bank soon found an international
suitor in the form of Newbridge Capital. But Newbridge’s conditions
required that India’s already lax laws on foreign investment had to
be revised or violated. Reportedly, Newbridge wanted full management
control as well as the right to report to the regulator of its parent
than to the RBI. If this had gone through, the victory of international
finance capital which, in collaboration with the World Bank, the IMF
and the IFC, has been pushing through the liberalisation which creates
the likes of GTB, would have been total.
In the circumstance, the RBI was left with the same option that it
has resorted to in the case of other failures such as Nedungadi Bank:
that of getting a public sector bank to take over the failing bank
through its merger. In this case, Oriental Bank of Commerce with a
zero NPA record and a strong capital adequacy ratio was brought in,
just as Punjab National Bank had been brought in to rescue the depositors
of Nedungadi Bank earlier.
Needless to say, these acts of bailing out, through merger, of banks
that have failed because of private speculation and mismanagement,
results in what the economic literature terms ''moral hazard'' - knowing
that the government would step in to prevent a crisis using the public
sector, investors, depositors and promoters would continue to seek
high returns through risky ventures. If their speculative bid succeeds
they make a huge profit; if it does not the government would step
in to bail them out. What is more, the RBI has declared that it is
not contemplating action against the promoters and directors of the
bank. Meanwhile, Gelli, who is still a shareholder and has reportedly
been remotely influencing/controlling the bank over the last three
years, is demanding that shareholders too must be paid off when the
merger occurs. Why not? Can a truly benevolent reformer avoid indirectly
using tax payers’ money to protect investors and speculators and not
just depositors?