When
the Global Financial Crisis struck in 2008, there were many analysts
who argued that some developing countries – especially in developing
Asia and in particular China – could not only avoid the adverse effects
of the crisis but also emerge as an alternative growth pole for the
world economy. The extent to which economic ''fundamentals'' quickly
unravelled across the developing world came as a surprise to them, as
falling exports and dramatically reversing capital flows caused economic
distress in many countries and affected even the strongest of them.
Even in countries like China that were earlier seen as relatively immune,
only very proactive countercyclical measures, including fiscal stimulus
packages and very substantial monetary and credit easing, allowed the
growth momentum to be restored.
Nevertheless, it is certainly true that in many parts of the developing
world, and especially Asia, the recovery was faster and sharper than
was experienced in the North. In China and India, average incomes did
not fall but continued to grow, albeit at a slower rate. By 2010 it
was being argued that in these large countries and elsewhere, the growth
engine was increasingly decoupled from the sputtering and hesitant recovery
that was evident in the northern countries.
Now that prospects for the world economy are once again looking gloomy,
the relatively quick recovery in several developing countries is being
seen as a potential alternative source of expansion. As the US gets
enmeshed in politically determined fiscal constraints and the eurozone
crisis plays out to create chronic economic weakness and potential disaster
in Europe, it is clear that expecting any positive stimulus from these
two large regions is misplaced. Instead, eyes are turning towards the
BRICs, or to the region of developing Asia, to provide another growth
pole in what will otherwise be a sagging and even dismal global economic
story.
To what extent are such hopes justified? Consider the recent trends
in growth and investment, as shown in Charts 1 and 2. As is evident
from Chart 1, while overall GDP growth rates in emerging and developing
economies remained higher than in the advanced countries, they also
turned negative in the last quarter of 2008 and the first quarter of
2009. What is more striking is the synchronicity of even quarterly changes,
between the advanced and developing economies.
It is true that the divergence between the two groups of economies has
grown slightly in the last few quarters, but the difference is still
less than it was in 2007, during the global boom. More significantly,
the direction of movement appears to be similar for both categories
of countries, suggesting that the forces impelling change are still
largely determined by what is going on in Northern economies.
In the period just before and after the Great Recession, a similar story
seemed to be the case for fixed investment rates. However, since the
middle of 2009 the picture of fixed investment seems to have been more
mixed. Even so, the dampening effect on investor expectations, emanating
from the gloom in developed markets, is evident.
Presumably one reason for the gloom is the impact that the slowdown
in the US and Europe has on exports of developing countries. Here the
story – described in Chart 3 - is unambiguous and depressing. Export
growth rates from both advanced and developing countries tend to move
in tandem, and if anything, merchandise exports of developing countries
(in value terms in this chart) have been even more volatile and fallen
even more sharply, including in the very recent past.
Incidentally,
the picture would look even bleaker if services exports were to be included,
since service exports have experienced substantial deceleration in the
recent past. This includes not just those services that are affected
by the slowdown in trade (such as transport and related services) but
also a range of other more employment-intensive activities such as tourism
and IT-enabled services. Clearly, there is little sign of decoupling
in trade.
But suppose we consider specifically Asia, which is still widely considered
the most dynamic region. There has been much talk of how greater integration
within developing Asia has already generated new patterns of trade,
investment and economic activity, and that therefore increased Asian
integration will provide more stimulus to growth in the region even
if other areas stagnate.
There is no doubt that intra-Asian trade has increased significantly
in the recent past. As Chart 4 indicates, since the turn of the century,
Asian exports within the region have not only been larger but have significantly
outpaced exports to other major trading partners or regions. Even though
there was a break in the upward trajectory in the crisis year of 2009,
the subsequent revival of intra-regional trade suggests that there is
still a lot of inherent dynamism.
But still, it should be borne in mind that even though intra-regional
trade has increased, it is still only around half of all of Asia's exports.
Chart 5 shows that while there have been changes in the share of intra-regional
trade, with increases in the recent past, in this period it has been
volatile around a fairly narrow band, fluctuating between 49 and 52
per cent of total exports.
This means that global currents are still very significant in determining
trade patterns, particularly exports. And since so many countries in
the region are highly trade-dependent and have generally chosen export-oriented
growth as the model, the slowdown in exports will necessarily also affect
levels of economic activity, employment and future investment.
More than the quantitative indicators, it is also the pattern of integration
and the quality of the activity that is important in this. Much of the
rapid increase in intra-regional trade in developing Asia has been because
of the emergence of a multi-location multi-country export production
platform, largely organised around China as the final processor. This
is why more than four-fifths of such trade consists of intermediate
goods used in further production, rather than final demand.
Such trade is obviously closely linked to the behaviour of the ultimate
export markets, which still remain dominantly in the North, despite
recent changes in the direction of trade. Thus, for example, China (which
is the fulcrum of much of this kind of export-oriented activity) still
looks to the US and the European Union for just under 40 per cent of
its total exports. Reduced demand from these areas will translate into
reduced demand for raw materials and intermediates required for processing
into goods for these markets. There is already some scattered evidence
that this process has begun.
This suggests that expectations of Asia being able to blithely withstand
the latest round of economic crisis are not just over-optimistic but
probably wrong. It also means that Asian governments have to be prepared
for this with proactive measures to cope, and that business as usual
simply will not work in the evolving global scenario.
*This
article was originally published in the Business Line on 20 February,
2012 and is available at
http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/columns/c-p-chandrasekhar
/article2913493.ece?homepage=true