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New
Light on Business Services |
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Jul
28th 2008, C.P. Chandrasekhar and Jayati Ghosh |
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Despite
its relatively low level of per capita income by developed
country standards, India’s growth during much of the
post-liberalization period has been led by services.
There are plausible reasons why growth in developing
countries today could reflect a premature expansion
of services. Manufacturing units in the contemporary
world rely as much or more on management and control
as on technology to raise productivity and reduce costs.
This has increased the services component in manufacturing
costs. The pressure to reduce costs leads to the outsourcing
of many of these functions, so that services that were
earlier counted as internal costs of a manufacturing
firm are now externalized, resulting in an increase
in services GDP. Inasmuch as liberalization leads to
a faster adoption of best practice technologies from
the developed countries in developing countries, the
latter too tend to reflect this tendency.
Technological changes also contribute to an expansion
of services. For example, the communications revolution
has cheapened the cost of communication services, resulting
in much greater use of such services by a wider section
of the population. Finally, the inevitable role of government
in accelerating growth and providing a range of public
services tends to increase the shares of education,
health and public administration (not to mention defence)
in GDP.
However, even these factors cannot explain the fact
that GDP in services exceeds 50 per cent of the total
at India’s level of per capita income. Services must
be growing faster than is warranted by the factors that
are common to all countries. This is partly happening
because technological changes and developments have
made a number of services exportable through various
modes of supply, including cross-border supply through
digital transmission. Thus, in the case of IT and IT-enabled
services in India, the expansion of output is driven
by the expansion of exports, with positive balance of
payments implications. This supports the presumption
that services-based growth is a new (dynamic) trajectory
of development in which modern, knowledge-intensive
services play a role.
In India, this view is buttressed by the fact that among
services, the most “visible” segments are the so-called
knowledge-intensive services, consisting principally
of software, business, financial and communication services.
There are several significant differences between these
four sectors. One crucial difference is that while software
and, to a lesser extent, business services are important
exports generating foreign exchange revenues, financial
and communication services are dominantly directed at
the domestic market. According to the Reserve Bank of
India’s balance of payments data, gross foreign exchange
revenues from these four sectors rose from $24.7billion
in 2004-05 to $62.4 billion in 2007-08, or at a compound
rate of more than 40 per cent. However, throughout this
period software and business services accounted for
more than 90 per cent of these revenues.
Inasmuch as exports are an important inducement to invest,
this evidence could be taken to imply that among the
modern, market-oriented, knowledge intensive services,
software and business services are important drivers
of growth. The increases in income generated in these
and other sectors create the demand for the expansion
of other knowledge-intensive services such as communications
and financial services as well as “non-market oriented”,
knowledge-intensive services such as education and health.
That is, growth in services to an extent feeds on itself
making this sector, it is argued, a powerful engine
of growth.
Chart
1 >>
While conceptually this argument is convincing,
its importance as an explanation for growth is in the
final analysis an empirical issue. Unfortunately, while
data on the role of modern services in exports is easy
to find in India, isolating the contribution of modern,
knowledge intensive services and unorganized services
of various kinds to GDP is more difficult. The claim
has been that the contribution of these modern, market-oriented,
knowledge services to GDP and employment has been significant.
For example, NASSCOM claims that as a proportion of
national GDP, the Indian information technology sector’s
revenue, which is dominated by services, has grown from
1.2 per cent in financial year 1997-98 to 5.5 per cent
in 2007-08. However, besides the fact that these are
gross revenues and not value-added figures, there are
all sorts of doubts that have been cast on these numbers
(See Macroscan, Business Line, March 11, 2008).
Chart
2 >>
In this background, a set of estimates produced
for the US National Science Foundation (NSF) by the
consulting firm Global Insight, on value added revenues
generated in the knowledge-intensive services sectors
in a large number of countries, is of some interest.
Value added revenues refer to gross sales revenue minus
the purchase of domestic and imported supplies and inputs
from other industries. Unlike NASSCOM, Global Insight
provides gross sales and value added estimates for software
and other business services. However (unlike NASSCOM
again) it does not provide data on exports of these
services.
Based on these figures of Global Insight, the recently
released biennial report on Science and Engineering
Indicators 2008 brought out by the NSF concludes that:
“Market-oriented knowledge-intensive services—business,
financial, and communications—are driving growth in
the service sector, which now accounts for nearly 70%
of global economic activity. Market-oriented knowledge-intensive
services generated $12 trillion in gross revenues (sales)
in 2005 and grew almost twice as fast as other services
between 1986 and 2005.” This suggests that if these
sectors are important in India’s GDP and exports, the
opportunities for future growth are substantial.
Turning to the data on India, what is noteworthy is
that over the 10 years between 1985 and 1995, the share
of commercial or “market-oriented” services in total
value added revenue in knowledge-intensive services
increased from 47 per cent to 64 per cent (Chart 1).
In the subsequent 10 years it has risen further to 67
per cent. This compares well with the 69 per cent level
at which it stood globally and in the United Sates in
2005, and the average levels of above 60 per cent in
the world and the US throughout the 20 year period 1985-2005
(Charts 2 and 3).
Chart
3 >>
However, despite rapid growth, the absolute size of
the sector in India remains small. Measured in 2000
constant price dollars, the value added revenues from
market-oriented, knowledge intensive services rose from
$2.9 trillion in 1985, to $3.7 trillion in 1990, $4.4
trillion in 1995, $5.6 trillion in 2000, and $6.8 trillion
in 2005. During this period, India’s share of these
services rose from just below one half of one per cent
to just above one per cent (Table 1). That is, India
was and remains a small player in the global market,
taking account of both domestic supply and exports.
But how important are market-oriented knowledge services,
(which consist of Communications, Financial and Business
Services according to the NSF) in the Indian economy?
The ratio of value added revenues from these services
to GDP, in 2000 constant price dollars, rose from 5.30
per cent in 1985 to 8.64 in 1995 and 11.96 per cent
in 2005. This does point to a significant role for these
services in the national economy, especially when compared
with the corresponding values for ‘non-market oriented’,
knowledge-intensive services (consisting of education
and health services). Those values were 5.97, 4.81 and
5.72 per cent.
However, as noted earlier, the driver for export-led
growth in India is the business services sector which
includes both software services and IT-enabled services.
It is the growth of this segment which is seen as partly
providing the stimulus for expansion of financial and
communications services. The contribution of business
services to GDP is much smaller, having risen from 2.6
to 3.3 per cent of GDP between 1985 and 1995, and then
to 4.3 per cent in 2005.
Chart
4>>
What is more, unlike the world as a whole and the US
economy, where the share of business services in total
valued added revenues in market oriented services was
constant around 50 per cent or even rising (Charts 4
and 6), that for India fell from close to 50 per cent
in 1985 to 36 per cent in 2005. Thus, if the value added
figures from the NSF are reliable, the software and
IT-enabled services boom is by no means the prime driver
of growth in India.
Further, the NSF figures suggest that the knowledge-intensive
services sectors together accounted for 17.7 per cent
of GDP. Adding on the 8 per cent contributed by railways
and public administration and defence (as per the official
National Accounts Statistics), the total comes to 25.7
per cent. That leaves almost half of the services sector
unaccounted for, which presumably would consist substantially
of unorganized services. This makes the argument that
services are reflective of a new dynamism in India that
much less convincing.
Chart
5 >> Chart
6 >> Table
1 >>
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