The
preliminary edition of OECD's Economic Outlook relating to April 2002
begins on a note of optimism regarding the prospects for an economic
recovery in its member countries. This recovery, which is expected so soon
after the September 11, 2001 incidents that aggravated pre-existing
recessionary tendencies, is characterized by three aspects. First, it is
driven by an upturn in the United States that is yet to impact on many
other economies, especially Japan, which has been languishing for close to
a decade now. Second, even in the US, it is stimulated by an easing of
monetary policy, the maintenance of low interest rates, and by a return
to deficit-financed government spending, all of which have helped boost
consumption spending. Third, there are as yet no signs that the recovery
has begun to touch investment spending, especially in the crucial area of
information and communication technology, which helped drive the long boom
of the 1990s in the US. As a report in the June 23 issue of The New York
Times put it, "While other areas are showing tentative signs of strength,
technology remains in a deep funk."
Of these the most disconcerting to many observers is the lack of synchrony
among developed countries in the timing of the upturn, if any. In fact,
through the 1990s, there was no sign of any degree of synchronization of
the economic cycle across the major economies. As Chart 1 shows, between
1991 and 1994, while the US and UK recorded sharp recoveries in annual
rates of GDP growth, Germany, France and Japan witnessed a downturn. In
the subsequent five years, only the US managed to maintain remarkably high
rates of growth; performance in Germany, France and the UK ranged from
moderate to good and that in Japan was dismal in almost all these years
excepting 1996. It was only when the US economy lost steam early in 2001
and found itself on a downturn, that there seemed to be a semblance of
synchrony. The downturn that afflicted the US now appeared to be a more
generalized phenomenon, making its implications more ominous. And today,
even as the post-September 11 spending spurt seems to be quickly halting
the downturn in the US, the effects are less impressive in other major
OECD nations.
Chart 1 >>
This lack of correspondence in economic performance is
even starker when assessed in terms of developments in the labour market.
Unemployment rates in Germany and France rose significantly between 1990
and 1997, to touch 9.4 and 12.2 per cent respectively. Though they
declined subsequently, unemployment levels in these countries are still
above the 1990 mark. Unemployment in Japan rose continuously through the
1990s, though the low initial level of 2.1 per cent has meant that it
still records rates close to the US and the UK. It is only in these
latter countries, the US and the UK, that unemployment rates have fallen
sharply since 1992-93, though that trend has been reversed in 2002 in the
US.
Chart 2 >>
Thus, clearly, unlike in the four decades following World War II, when the
world economy was ostensibly less integrated, the 1990s have seen a
process of de-synchronization of the economic cycle in individual nations,
which is visible even in the relative performance of the developed
industrial nations. Not coincidentally, perhaps, the 1990s were also the
years of globalization, years in which inter-country relationships were
substantially mediated through financial flows. By that decade financial
liberalization had ensured a build-up of liquidity at national and
international levels, enhanced the flexibility of financial firms to
undertake diverse operations across financial activities, provided new
avenues for speculative investment in areas such as foreign exchange and
derivatives markets, and rendered finance globally mobile.
At the most superficial level the de-synchronization of
the economic cycle across developed countries may be attributed to the end
of the era of Keynesian counter-cyclical policies, which the rise of
finance capital implied. Greater integration through trade and financial
flows meant that if any one country adopted counter-cyclical policies, it
ran the risk of triggering domestic inflation, of undermining the ability
of domestic firms to face up to foreign competition in local and foreign
markets, of experiencing a worsening of its current account balance and a
weakening of its currency, and of being threatened by a speculative attack
on its currency that would be destabilizing. This is precisely what
happened to France under Mitterand in the early 1980s. This loss of the
ability to undertake counter-cyclical policies in isolation meant that
when individual developed economies were faced with a downturn, they could
not correct the imbalance by increased government spending.