The use of market
segmentation to earn monopoly profits is obviously constrained by the
possibility of undercutting by competitors producing generic substitutes.
This possibility, and the opposition of multinational drug companies to
allowing it, was dramatically illustrated by the battle between the Indian
drug company Cipla and major MNC players over providing cheaper drugs for
AIDS patients in Africa.
The fact that
competition
from generic producers will result in the lowering and levelling of prices
of medicines is very clear even from the pricing behaviour of large
multinational drug companies in different markets. Not only do MNCs price
differently in different markets, but they tend to charge much less when
generic drug substitutes are available.
This is sharply evident
from Chart 3, which shows prices of Flucanazole in different markets, and
Chart 4, which indicates the different prices charged by Glaxo for its
anti-ulcer drug Zantac. Such pricing bears little relation to per capita
income in the country concerned, but is much more dependent upon the
existence of generic substitutes like Ranitidine, which is why the drug is
the cheapest in
India.
Chart 3 >>
Chart 4 >>
The TRIPS Agreement
This context explains
why there have been major concerns about the enforcement of the TRIPs
agreement, particularly with reference to health conditions in developing
countries, since the agreement is seen as increasing the power of large
corporations who may be in a position to capture patents, vis-à-vis state
regulatory authorities.
The agreement requires all WTO member states to grant patents for
pharmaceutical products or process inventions for a minimum of twenty
years. The major shift for countries like India was that the TRIPs
agreement forces upon member countries a patent regime that recognizes
product patents for chemicals and pharmaceuticals. The earlier Indian
Patent Act allowed for only process patents in these areas, which created
the possibility of reverse engineering especially for drugs, a factor that
was crucial in the rapid development of the generic drug industry in
India.
Some of the most frequently expressed concerns about the adverse
implications of TRIPs for public health include the following:
-
Increased patent
protection leads to higher drug prices, while the number of patented
drugs of importance from a public health point of view is likely to
increase in the coming years.
-
The access gap
between developed and developing countries, and between rich and poor in
all countries, will continue to increase, especially as producers in
developing countries have to wait for twenty years before they can have
access to innovations.
-
Enforcement of the
WTO regulations has an effect on local manufacturing capacity and
removes a source of generic innovative quality drugs on which the poorer
countries depend.
-
While technology
transfer is actually to be discouraged, there are no incentives or
provisions to ensure that increased revenues will go towards the
development of essential medical technologies.
It is now much more
widely recognized that there is no necessary correlation between socially
desirable and necessary R&D in drug development, and a tight patent
regime. Indeed, much of the major research in pharmaceuticals and
medicine, both in the past and currently, is under the aegis of publicly
funded institutions across the world. Table 2 indicates that R&D
expenditure forms a relatively small part of the total revenues for large
pharma companies, and is significantly less than marketing expenses. It is
also worth noting that even in many western countries, pharmaceutical
products remained unpatentable until the 1980s or even the 1990s, with no
adverse implications for research.
Table 2:
Financial data for top Pharma companies in 2000 |
Company |
Revenue |
Percent of Revenue Allocated to: |
|
(Net Sales in
millions of dollars) |
Profit
(Net Income) |
Marketing/
Advertising/
Administration |
R & D |
Merck and Co. Inc |
40,363 |
17% |
15% |
6% |
Pfizer Inc |
29,574 |
13% |
39% |
15% |
Bristol Myers Squibb Co. |
18,216 |
26% |
30% |
11% |
Pharmacia Corp. |
18,144 |
4% |
37% |
15% |
Abbott Laboratories |
13,746 |
20% |
21% |
10% |
American Home Products Corp. |
13,263 |
-18% |
38% |
13% |
Eli Lilly and Co. |
10,862 |
28% |
30% |
19% |
Schering-Plough Corp. |
9,815 |
25% |
36% |
14% |
Allergan Inc. |
1,563 |
14% |
42% |
13% |
|
However, even this restrictive agreement did leave
member states a certain amount of freedom in modifying their regulations.
For example, the terms
invention
and discovery
are not defined in the agreement, yet how they are defined could have
important implications, especially in the biotechnology field. The
agreement says that member states may provide limited exceptions to the
patent holder’s exclusive rights in their laws.
National public authorities may be allowed, within the conditions laid
down in the agreement, to issue compulsory licences against the patent
owner’s will when justified by the public interest. The agreement does
not prohibit parallel imports. These restore price competition for
patented products by allowing the importation (without the holder’s
consent) of identical patented products which have been manufactured for a
lower price in another country.
Table 3: Explanation of Article 27.1 of TRIPS
|
Article 27.1
Patentable subject matter |
Comments |
patents shall be available for
any inventions, whether products or processes, |
Some countries only made available
process patents for pharmaceutical inventions.
Under TRIPS, product patents must also be available; the
protection of rights on a product
is much broader in scope. |
in all fields of technology |
Some countries, unable to invest in
R&D, have been excluding pharmaceuticals from patentability so as
to allow the possibility for copies of patented drugs to be
produced locally or imported - from other countries which also do
not respect pharmaceutical patents - without the authorization of
the company that invented the drug. |
provided that they are new, involve
an inventive step and are capable of industrial application. |
Usual definition of the conditions
of patentability of an invention. |
patents shall be available and
patent rights enjoyable without discrimination as to the place of
invention |
No discrimination between national
and foreign inventions, or between foreign inventions |
the field of technology |
No discrimination between types of
products - pharmaceutical or other. |
provided that they are new, involve
an inventive step and are capable of industrial application. |
Usual definition of the conditions
of patentability of an invention. |
and whether products are imported
or locally produced |
Some countries have been issuing
compulsory licences for lack of exploitation of patents. This
type of obligation was intended to require foreign companies to
set up on the national territory in order to exploit their
patents, with resultant transfers of technology. The Agreement
would here appear to allow these companies to import their
patented product without having to transfer the related
technology. |
Source : German Velasquez and Pascale Boulet,
Globalisation and access to drugs: Implications of the WTO/TRIPS
Agreement, WHO Geneva, 1999 |
|
Thus, compulsory licensing and parallel importing
policies are two policy tools which can still play an important role in
helping developing country governments make essential medicines more
affordable to their citizens, although their use is being sought to be
restricted by drug MNCs and their home country governments.
Compulsory Licensing
Compulsory licensing
may occur as follows: when reasons of general interest justify it,
national public authorities may allow the exploitation of a patent by a
third person without the owner’s consent. This involves a government
giving a manufacturer—which could be a company, government agency or other
party—a licence to produce a drug for which another company holds a
patent, in exchange for the payment of a reasonable royalty to the patent
holder. The effect is to introduce generic competition and drive prices
down, as has occurred in India. Compulsory licensing can lower the prices
of medicines by 75 per cent or more. Zimbabwe, for example, could issue a
license to a local company for an HIV/AIDS drug manufactured by
Bristol-Myers Squibb. The Zimbabwean firm would then manufacture the drug
for sale in Zimbabwe under a generic name, and pay a reasonable royalty to
Bristol-Myers Squibb on each sale.
Five kinds of use without authorization of the right holder are expressly
envisaged by the agreement [Correa 1999, 2000]:
-
licences for public non-commercial use by the Government;
-
licences granted to third parties authorised by the Government for
public non-commercial use;
-
licences granted in conditions of emergency or extreme urgency;
-
licences granted to remedy a practice determined after administrative or
judicial process to be anti-competitive;
-
licences arising from a dependent patent.
In addition, since the
agreement does not state that these are the only cases authorized, member
states are not limited in regard to the grounds on which they may decide
to grant a licence without the authorization of the patent holder. They
are in practice only limited in terms of the procedure and conditions to
be followed. Thus, in principle, compulsory licences can be issued for
considerations of public health as well as to prevent anti-competitive
practices and possible uses connected with monopoly.